Archive for greece

Bristol No Borders: Solidarity Statement to Greek Hunger Strikers

Posted in Uncategorized with tags , , , , , , on Wednesday, 2 February, 2011 by bristolnoborders

On January 25, 300 migrant workers went on hunger strike in Athens and Thessaloniki.
Their main demand is to be legalized. As of 2nd Feburary their struggle continues.

Messages have come from all around the World. We wish to add ours.

The Border between Greece and the Mediterranean Sea is one of the most heavily militarized in the World with the EU’s unaccountable and armed paramilitary security force – FRONTEX – patrolling, now not only the seas, but more recently. the border between Turkey and Greece..

Hundreds have perished in the seas, some having their boats deliberately capsized by FRONTEX patrols..

Those who make it (and those who don’t) are actively challenging the rationale of the securitization of our borders and the social and economic inequalities that they protect.

We send our message of thanks to the hunger strikers for standing up to the brutality of the border regime(s) that will sooner or later effect us all.

The EU’s murderous borders: four poles of suffering and denial of rights

Posted in Uncategorized with tags , , , , , , on Friday, 25 December, 2009 by bristolnoborders

“A report published by Migreurop (a Euro-African network of 40 organisations from 13 countries working on issues of immigration policy, externalisation and their consequences within and beyond the EU’s borders) in October 2009 paints a vivid picture of the effects of the EU’s migration policies by focussing on three regions in which a number of common denominators are identified in spite of the significant difference between them (the Calais region and the north of France, the Greek-Turkish border and the Oujda region in eastern Morocco). These are added to by a case study on events on the Italian island of Lampedusa, where practices have been adopted for the sake of expediency that confirm the suspicion that legal guarantees and human rights conceived as minimum standards for the treatment of all human beings are becoming a luxury that is not meant for migrants who have been criminalised and de-humanised as “illegals”.”

The themes that run through all the sections from specific areas are those of controls and attempts to stop migrants, their detention in awful conditions that often entails abuses by guards, and a de-humanisation that goes so far as to result in deaths and in the use of legal and illegal dissuasive practices, among which the Dublin II regulation and illegal repatriations are identified as being particularly harmful. Instances of resistance against policies enacted by government by migrants themselves and local populations that express solidarity for them are also examined. A special emphasis is placed on how some French policies are officially justified as seeking to prevent “a draught” that would encourage others to migrate towards Europe, that the authors interpret as people being made to endure dreadful situations not for their own sake, but for the message to reach their home countries and particularly those who might be tempted to follow them in the future.

Surprising parallels are drawn, such as those between the “tranquillos” in northern Morocco and the so-called “jungles” in France, which are both make-shift shelters self-managed by those attempting to escape the attention of the police, immigration authorities, in short, to become invisible while they try to plan the next stage in their journey after hitting a dead end. In Morocco, they face the choice between trying to cross a heavily guarded stretch of the sea in which thousands have died en route to Spain, trying to climb the six-metre-high fencing erected around the Spanish north African enclave cities of Ceuta and Melilla, or to reach them by swimming around the border, again, risking death. In France, they have the Channel blocking their way into the UK, the Dublin II regulation stopping refugees among them from claiming asylum in case they are sent back to the countries they first entered the EU from (most often Greece, where the level of successful applications is well below 1%), resulting in a likelihood of them never being able to obtain asylum regardless of whether they fulfil the requirements for it.

Everywhere, the police are on their tracks, and capture involves the risk of detention, sometimes entailing violence as well as terrible living conditions, and expulsion, except for those who come from countries to where some European states will not expel them (unlike the UK, France does not usually repatriate Afghans), although this is not an issue if they are captured in Morocco or in Greece, where night-time returns to Turkey in perilous conditions across the river Evros are commonplace. The Italian practice of directly returning intercepted boats to Libya without identifying the people on board or their nationalities since May 2009 is a classic example of how the wish for expediency is trampling even the limited guarantees provided by increasingly harsh national immigration laws- expulsion without a judicial authority issuing a formal order; the presence of likely refugees disregarded; returns to presumed transit countries where they are likely to experience further abuses.

There are many excerpts of first-hand accounts from migrants’ experiences, ranging from a complete lack of understanding of the situation in which they are forced, for instance an Afghan youth in Calais who wonders how it is possible that he is not allowed to stay, nor allowed to leave and is thus condemned to roaming aimlessly, feeling as if he were “in a cage”, to harrowing descriptions of spiteful and mocking treatment at the hands of border guards that went so far as to lead people to perish, both on the Moroccan-Spanish border and the Greek-Turkish one.

The lasting impression caused by the report is that thousands of people are facing incredible ordeals as a result of policies, that awful living conditions from poorer countries are entering the EU as a result of exclusion and the creation of categories that are permanently forced to live in a condition of invisibility. On the other hand, to help them “regulate” immigration flows, the EU and its member states are funding a vast expansion of the internal security apparatus in bordering countries and of tough laws that are often implemented on the basis of skin colour.

This often means that visits by authorities from European countries and EU institutions for negotiations with third-country governments in this field result in indiscriminate round-ups in neighbourhoods in which large numbers of migrants live and in the spread of racism, both by security and police forces as well as by members of public, for example in north African countries against sub-Saharan migrants suspected of seeking to emigrate to Europe.

The report is available on the Migreurop website:
Les frontières assassines de l’Europe (French, original)
Europe’s murderous borders (English)
Fronteras asesinas de Europa (Spanish)


Rapport-Migreurop-nov2009-en

Lesvos No Border Camp : Detention Centre Roof Occupation

Posted in Uncategorized with tags , , , , , , on Monday, 31 August, 2009 by bristolnoborders

lesvos

This morning at 10 o’clock, ten noborder activists from Austria, Sweden, Spain, France, Czech Republik, Portugal, the Netherlands and Germany occupied the roof of the refugee jail in Pagani. With this action, we are increasing the pressure to finally get Pagani closed.

The activists state:

“During the noborder camp, we were able to witness the brutal consequences of the European border regime here in Lesvos. A ship employed by the European border agency Frontex is hunting refugee boats, the Greek coast guard and the Navy do the dirty work. Human lifes don’t count.
Those who manage to come to the island alive are sent to the refugee jail in Pagani: permanently more than full, the jail in Pagani reminds us of conditions we rather know from Libya or Marocco. We are outraged about this blatant bleach of Greek and international law.”

The activists demand the closure of Pagani, papers for everybody and the abolition of Frontex and the Dublin-II treaty.

Updates: activists are down from the roof and arrested, were brought to the police station. More Updates: http://twitter.com/noborderlesvos

_______________

Help us close down Pagani – Support people in Lesvos
If you have been following our actions of the last days, you are aware about the immediate necessity to close down the detention centre of Pagani here in Lesvos. Now we call all on everybody out there, wherever you are, to take action. It is quick and easy, and you can really help to make a change: you just need to send a fax or an email.

More information here: http://lesvos09.antira.info/2009/08/help-us-close-down-pagani/

activists from lesvos noborder camp

Resistance to Deportations :Lesvos, Greece

Posted in Uncategorized with tags , , , , on Sunday, 26 July, 2009 by bristolnoborders

Lesvos: Solidarity gathering blocks and prevents the deportation of 62 migrants

The following news comes from Mytilini, where a NoBorders Camp is set to take place on August 25-31. In the bosses’ world, we are all foreigners.

A participant’s account, from Athens IMC

At the Thursday’s dawn, at around 2am, the ferry from Mytilini to Kavala had been planned to deport 62 migrants-refugees from the Detention Centre in Pagani. Their destination was other detention centres in mainland Northern Greece with their likely immediate deportation from there to their countries of origin, countries at war and with non-existent respect of elementary, given for us, human rights. The transfer was attempted with a municipal bus, in which the migrants were “loaded up” handcuffed, accompanied by police cars and undercover cops.

As soon as embarkation started, the guards created a cordon around the migrants and started to lead them on foot toward the catapult of the boat. The sixty of us who were there jumped in front of them, blocking with banners and with our bodies their entrance to the boat. At the same time, we shouted slogans and handed out texts to the people that continued entering and exiting the boat. Following an initial surprise, the return of the migrants back to the bus that transferred them was decided. We held our positions exchanging slogans with the migrants who slowly started to realise what was going on and in turn started to shout and to wave.

After an hour or so and while all vehicles carrying passengers had entered the boat, it was announced to the migrants that their transfer was canceled. With chants and clapping on both sides and under the slogan “solidarity is the weapon of the people, war to the bosses’ war”, the bus left the area of the port to an unknown direction. The same did not happen however with the boat, that stayed there with one of its catapults open. At some point around 20 men of the Special Task Force (which we rarely see on the island) appeared and sat at some distance from us. The boat turned off its engine and the situation remained stable. After some negotiations the STF retreated and at around 4 a.m. the boat finally embarked, without taking the migrants with it. We also left, in a group.

Today’s deportation event was canceled. In the next ones that they will try, with all the powers that we’ve got, we’ll be there. We all know, as it has been repeatedly declared -as a main target of the national and international policies- that the influx of migration needs to be “controlled” and “dealt with”. The mass operations and police pogroms in city centres are accompanied by “de-congestion” operations in the concentration camps in the islands with the migrants being sent to similar concentration camps being set up across the country. What is not controlled and settled ever, of course, is the reason of migration itself. This world, in other words, of exploitation, inequality, injustice: The world of the bosses, the world in which we were and remain foreigners.

comradely,

and with the bitter taste in the mouth of cheering for the return of some people back to their horrific prison…

Occupied London On Patras and the rise of the right

Posted in Uncategorized with tags , , on Thursday, 23 July, 2009 by bristolnoborders

Hitler on tiptoes: The subtle rise of fascism in Greece

The order has finally been carried out: The migrants staining the image of the city have been removed from public sight. NGO’s, the oh-so-pragmatic Left, good christians and dutiful citizens all stand prepared, they tell us, to fulfil their humanitarian duty as long as the migrant-subject is nowhere to be seen. The morning after the eviction, the flattening and setting ablaze of the migrant camp in Patras, with smoke still rising above its remains, the local newspapers cheerfully saluted the operation: “Living conditions were unbearable, therefore the destruction of the camp was a humanitarian act” went their twisted logic. For the record, both local media and political authorities in Patras are of the “socialist” flavour of power. campfire04 For this ex-industrial, ex-major port-city in the Western tip of the Peloponnese the passage to the post-industrial era has left little more than illusions. Illusions of having any sort of substantial industry, any mechanism capable of sustaining the city’s “growth”, or even simply bringing back “the good old days”. In this illusion, perception is key: Everyone becomes what they show to be and the city becomes a sum of places facilitating this to-be-seen process. Out go the factories, in come the glamorous, trendy cafés. The assembly line gives way to the “catwalk”, as the pedestrian road running in the café district of Patras is euphemistically called. It is right here, on this catwalk, that the illusory perception is simultaneously produced and consumed. The impromptu shanty town-like camp stood as the catwalk’s absolute antithesis: In the safety of its size, and that only, its permanently temporary residents could seek refuge for as long as it would take to sneak into one of the ferries heading further West, to Italy – or be arrested by police. The camp’s size, its very visibility within the urban entity of Patras safeguarded its residents’ individual safety. The camp acted as shelter and cover for those in Patras on-their-way-somewhere-else. There was nothing illusory about the residents of the camp. Why they were in Patras (because of the war), why they were on their way further West (because Patras could offer them nothing)… Their crudely real presence was putting the entire city’s post-industrial function at risk. The camp was striking at the heart of the city’s illusory function of perception. For this reason it had to go. From the openly fascist voices of the extreme right calling for the deportation of the migrant-subject all together to the “pragmatic”, subtly fascist voices of the left calling for its elimination from public view: The object has becomes one, the safe functioning of the illusory city – uninterrupted, clean, orderly. Their cleanliness is cleansing, their order is death. In this, we should have no illusions.

mass greek demos against anti-migrant legislation

Posted in Uncategorized with tags , on Wednesday, 8 July, 2009 by bristolnoborders
on the streets against state fascism

on the streets against state fascism

On 7 July 2009 at 20.00 o’clock a huge anti-racist march organized by anarchists was held in Athens downtown, the capital city of Greece, with about 4,000-5,000 protesters, both men and women, demanding the end of state repression against immigrants, while streets and bank ATMs were set on fire.

gr2

Here we will concentrate on the cooperation between Greek cops and fascists, and on the incident of fascists setting themselves on fire while trying to injure anarchists by throwing molotovs towards them. More information about the march in general can be found at: https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2009/07/434041.html It is a well-known and well-documented fact that Greek fascists are supported by the Greek state and the Greek cops. Fascists and cops cooperate together in the streets when they fight with anarchist blocks, and stone throwing by cops and fascists against protesters is an everyday phenomenon in Greece, together with ample amounts of tear gas fired by the cops and knife-wielding fascists injuring comrades in the streets whenever they manage to spot them alone and vulnerable. It is also well-known that Greek cops are quick to fire at anyone for no particular reason, even killing 15-year olds (as in the Alexandros Grigoropoulos or ‘Gregory’ case that sparked the December 2008 revolt, but that’s only one out of many cases of cold shot murders by cops). The majority of Greek fascists are organized in the Golden Dawn (Chrysi Avgi, which in Greek rhymes with Chrysa Avga, meaning Golden Eggs) political party (electoral power about 23,000 votes, but most of them are protest votes, as their influence in Greek society is really minimal, and their only support comes from the Greek state and the cops). It is not a real political party, even though it participates in elections, but rather a front organization by fascists and neonazis, most of them being cops in the Greek police, whose objective is to attack immigrants, the poor, anarchists, and leftists (except KKE, the biggest ‘communist’ party with a stalinofascist ideology and about 428,000 votes, and its youth wing, KNE, which see no problem in cooperating with the cops beating anarchists and other leftists without mercy). The Greek fascists are so desperate to increase their numbers in their disorganized and comical marches that they commonly pay petty money to drug addicts to handle Greek flags in their marches, while intoxicated. Yet, Greek fascists, because of their deep connections with the Greek state apparatus and the Greek police, can be dangerous when they confront comrades alone or in very small groups, as they carry knifes or sometimes guns (usually their police gun, as most of them are cops or bodyguards for politicians). Golden Dawn is not the only fascist party, there are others, like the more powerful LAOS (meaning People) which is openly theocratic and smaller ones composed of right-wingers, mainly army officers, nostalgic of the Greek Regime of the Colonels of 1967-73 (a CIA-controlled dictatorial junta who captured the state in a coup’d’etat, with the governing dictator at the time, Papadopoulos, being a CIA operative himself). During the 7 July march, Greek fascists in full and open cooperation with the cops fiercely attacked the anarchists who were simply demanding equality for immigrants. This time the fascists tried to use the traditional people’s weapon, the molotov cocktail, against the people themselves. Photos taken by comrades during the march, at great personal danger (as cops are known to severely beat and arrest anyone having cameras, even journalists from Greece or abroad) clearly show fascists inside the cop formations wielding lit molotov cocktails, ready to launch them against defenceless comrades who fight for a just world. It becomes apparent that their intention was to injure, or even kill, anarchists, and those who regularly watch news about class war in Greece should remember that fascists attempted (unsuccesfully) to throw a hand explosive grenade against the Greek Conscientious Objectors Association during one of their meetings (in Greece there is forced conscription for all males), clearly showing that they intended to kill numerous people. On 7 July they again tried to injure or kill anarchists, this time with molotovs, but thanks to their stupidity we had no victims: the molotov-wielding fascists accidentaly set themselves on fire when they tried to throw the molotov cocktails against the anarchists! A fascist tried to be a ‘hero’ and had proceeded too far in front of the main fascist/cop formations, so he got a molotov on himself by his friends. The cops with their fire extinguishers saved him from the stupidity of his peers. Those comical scum, who have no idea how to handle the simplest of street weapons, the molotov firebomb, are unable to fight us with our weapons. Molotovs are and will remain the people’s weapon in defence of their freedom against fascist bastards. Before the incident described above, the fascists were seen running towards a warehouse with a yellow door after the cops called them there. Comrades saw the cops giving molotov cocktails and sprays to the fascists. Neighbours who were shocked to witness the cooperation between far-right neonazi scum and cops in their streets recorded them with their video-cameras. On the videos you can see the fascists in helmets and wielding hand weapons and globs (intended to severely beat and life-threatenly injure captured comrades), running together with the cops during street fights with the anarchists. What better proof can one provide of the cooperation between cops and neonazis in Greece? If the cops capture a comrade with a molotov, they put him or her in prison for many years, yet they do nothing when a fascist handles a molotov, which clearly shows that the cops do not do what the law says but what promotes the interests of the ruling capitalist class and their government. Their only objective is to suppress dissent and assist the capitalists in exploiting the poor. A cop is simply a capitalist’s dog, ready to bite anyone who dreams of a better world. It also worths mentioning that the fascists wielded molotovs without having their heads covered and without using gloves for their hands. The anarchists have never used molotov cocktails against defenceless people, except cops that are protected by their special uniform (it can be set on fire without injuring their wearer). The fascists, however, see no problem in attempting to use molotovs against defenceless anarchists who have no special uniform to protect themselves. There have never been fascist victims after clashes with anarchists, not because the anarchists cannot do real harm to them, but because the anarchists take care to only use well-targeted violence for propaganda and symbolical reasons, targeting the property of capitalists and not human lives. The fascists, however, feel no value for human life, and this is why we call them scum. They do want to kill. Some new information about the march itself: It worths mentioning that during the march and the attack by the fascists and the cops, immigrant neighbours living in the streets where the clashes took place opened their doors to welcome comrades who needed help. Three cops severely beat a girl without mercy on a car. The march had also attracted comrades new to street fighting who didn’t manage to keep calm when the cops started spraying them with tear gas and began to run away. This is wrong. No one should run during a march as it is very dangerous for everyone. Comrades should leave organized in formations, and this is what experienced comrades do. We hope the new comrades will learn quickly the correct tactics. At the head (front) of the march there were some younger comrades not fully experienced in street fighting, and the more experienced comrades who were behind didn’t manage to reach the front in time when the cops attacked the march. This march had assembled a lot of people, but it fell victim to a strategic mistake: the comrades approached the Saint Pandeleimonas district (where fascists attack immigrants) from a narrow road, too narrow to allow the anarchist formations to effectively protect themselves from the cops, so the cops (who had orders to never allow anarchists enter that district) fiercely attacked our comrades. Next time the anarchists are not going to do the same mistake. 7 July was the day of the anarchist march. On 9 July the leftists will organize their own marches, but the great majority of anarchists, and most antiauthoritarians, don’t like participating in leftist marches, because they see the leftists as reluctant to truly engage in street clashes with cops and fascists. It is interesting to note that the leftist parties have actually lost voters in elections, whereas the anarchist movement in Greece seems to be the one that most successfuly absorbes the disenfranchised youth, the repressed immigrants, and everyone who understands that a human society cannot be built on racism, xenophobia, capitalism, nationalism, and state terror. The anarchist movement in Athens, Greece has traditionaly as a base the downtown Exarchia district, which is mostly under the control of the anarchists and cops rarely risk to enter except in large numbers. The Greek media, in support of the policies of the government, did not publicise the march at all. Supposedly ‘progressive’ leftist websites did not say anything about the march either, highlighting the divide between anarchists and leftists in Greece. Greek comrades were informing immigrants who knew Greek, and they in turn informed the other immigrants who did not know Greek. Even though there was street fighting and struggle against the cops and the fascists, this march was not really a clash march according to the standards of the anarchist movement in Greece; rather, it was a counter-information march intended to inform the people of the repression against the immigrants and attract attention to the issue. Clash marches in Greece are much more violent, regularly employing lots of molotov cocktails. Because this was decided to not be a clash march, the comrades who participated were not equiped with the right tools for successful clashes. Yet, the resistance to the attacks by the fascists and the cops was remarkable. About the sister march in Thessaloniki (the above was about the Athens march): More than 1,500 comrades gathered at the Kalamaria district of Thessaloniki, the second-biggest city of Greece in the northern part of the country. The comrades marched towards the city’s sea beach. At the head (front) of the march there were the anarchists carrying flags and chains, and behind them there were leftist blocks who participated. Behind all of them there were the cops. A Citibank security camera was destroyed. Out of the 1,500 comrades, more than 1,000 were anarchists. Spray was used to draw graffiti and ATMs and cameras were destroyed. Lots of new comrades participated in the Thessaloniki march, people who previously were not taking part in marches, clearly showing that the anarchist movement in Greece is gaining popular support. A shouty right-wing hotel owner attempted to drive away some anarchists who were painting his hotel’s walls with graffiti, but more comrades came in support and forced him inside while they sprayed all of his hotel’s walls with graffiti. At some point a cop formation was forced to leave in panic after it confronted the determined blocks of anarchists. Another bank ATM was set on fire with two molotov cocktails. The banners read: “Solidarity to the immigrants, no national identity, war to the bosses” and were signed as “anarchikoi/es” meaning “anarchist men and women”. Another banner read “Attack the concentration camps” referring to the plans of the government to detain immigrants en masse. Lots of flyers were distributed. The march proceeded from Kamara district to Egnatia Street, Agias Sofias Street, Tsimiski, Venizelou Street, and then again towards Egnatia and Kamara. Before the December 2008 revolt, most marches in Greece that participated in fierce street fighting against cops and fascists had fewer people, many times only about 500. Now, after the December revolt, many more people go to the marches and fight against the oppresors, and marches now easily assemble from 3,000 to 5,000 people who are ready to fight for their freedom. The way the Greek state handles the class war, with more brutal repression, we shall expect many more people to join our comrades in the streets and learn how to fight fascism. This also means that marches will adopt new tactics and develop formations more suitable for large determined groups rather than the tactics that were used in the past by small bands of individual comrades. The coming years will be very interesting in Greece from a class war and march tactics perspective, and comrades from other places of the planet should keep an eye for new developments in Greece. NO GODS! NO MASTERS! Links to videos of foOn 7 July 2009 at 20.00 o’clock a huge anti-racist march organized by anarchists was held in Athens downtown, the capital city of Greece, with about 4,000-5,000 protesters, both men and women, demanding the end of state repression against immigrants, while streets and bank ATMs were set on fire. Here we will concentrate on the cooperation between Greek cops and fascists, and on the incident of fascists setting themselves on fire while trying to injure anarchists by throwing molotovs towards them. More information about the march in general can be found at: https://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2009/07/434041.html It is a well-known and well-documented fact that Greek fascists are supported by the Greek state and the Greek cops. Fascists and cops cooperate together in the streets when they fight with anarchist blocks, and stone throwing by cops and fascists against protesters is an everyday phenomenon in Greece, together with ample amounts of tear gas fired by the cops and knife-wielding fascists injuring comrades in the streets whenever they manage to spot them alone and vulnerable. It is also well-known that Greek cops are quick to fire at anyone for no particular reason, even killing 15-year olds (as in the Alexandros Grigoropoulos or ‘Gregory’ case that sparked the December 2008 revolt, but that’s only one out of many cases of cold shot murders by cops). The majority of Greek fascists are organized in the Golden Dawn (Chrysi Avgi, which in Greek rhymes with Chrysa Avga, meaning Golden Eggs) political party (electoral power about 23,000 votes, but most of them are protest votes, as their influence in Greek society is really minimal, and their only support comes from the Greek state and the cops). It is not a real political party, even though it participates in elections, but rather a front organization by fascists and neonazis, most of them being cops in the Greek police, whose objective is to attack immigrants, the poor, anarchists, and leftists (except KKE, the biggest ‘communist’ party with a stalinofascist ideology and about 428,000 votes, and its youth wing, KNE, which see no problem in cooperating with the cops beating anarchists and other leftists without mercy). The Greek fascists are so desperate to increase their numbers in their disorganized and comical marches that they commonly pay petty money to drug addicts to handle Greek flags in their marches, while intoxicated. Yet, Greek fascists, because of their deep connections with the Greek state apparatus and the Greek police, can be dangerous when they confront comrades alone or in very small groups, as they carry knifes or sometimes guns (usually their police gun, as most of them are cops or bodyguards for politicians). Golden Dawn is not the only fascist party, there are others, like the more powerful LAOS (meaning People) which is openly theocratic and smaller ones composed of right-wingers, mainly army officers, nostalgic of the Greek Regime of the Colonels of 1967-73 (a CIA-controlled dictatorial junta who captured the state in a coup’d’etat, with the governing dictator at the time, Papadopoulos, being a CIA operative himself). During the 7 July march, Greek fascists in full and open cooperation with the cops fiercely attacked the anarchists who were simply demanding equality for immigrants. This time the fascists tried to use the traditional people’s weapon, the molotov cocktail, against the people themselves. Photos taken by comrades during the march, at great personal danger (as cops are known to severely beat and arrest anyone having cameras, even journalists from Greece or abroad) clearly show fascists inside the cop formations wielding lit molotov cocktails, ready to launch them against defenceless comrades who fight for a just world. It becomes apparent that their intention was to injure, or even kill, anarchists, and those who regularly watch news about class war in Greece should remember that fascists attempted (unsuccesfully) to throw a hand explosive grenade against the Greek Conscientious Objectors Association during one of their meetings (in Greece there is forced conscription for all males), clearly showing that they intended to kill numerous people. On 7 July they again tried to injure or kill anarchists, this time with molotovs, but thanks to their stupidity we had no victims: the molotov-wielding fascists accidentaly set themselves on fire when they tried to throw the molotov cocktails against the anarchists! A fascist tried to be a ‘hero’ and had proceeded too far in front of the main fascist/cop formations, so he got a molotov on himself by his friends. The cops with their fire extinguishers saved him from the stupidity of his peers. Those comical scum, who have no idea how to handle the simplest of street weapons, the molotov firebomb, are unable to fight us with our weapons. Molotovs are and will remain the people’s weapon in defence of their freedom against fascist bastards. Before the incident described above, the fascists were seen running towards a warehouse with a yellow door after the cops called them there. Comrades saw the cops giving molotov cocktails and sprays to the fascists. Neighbours who were shocked to witness the cooperation between far-right neonazi scum and cops in their streets recorded them with their video-cameras. On the videos you can see the fascists in helmets and wielding hand weapons and globs (intended to severely beat and life-threatenly injure captured comrades), running together with the cops during street fights with the anarchists. What better proof can one provide of the cooperation between cops and neonazis in Greece? If the cops capture a comrade with a molotov, they put him or her in prison for many years, yet they do nothing when a fascist handles a molotov, which clearly shows that the cops do not do what the law says but what promotes the interests of the ruling capitalist class and their government. Their only objective is to suppress dissent and assist the capitalists in exploiting the poor. A cop is simply a capitalist’s dog, ready to bite anyone who dreams of a better world. It also worths mentioning that the fascists wielded molotovs without having their heads covered and without using gloves for their hands. The anarchists have never used molotov cocktails against defenceless people, except cops that are protected by their special uniform (it can be set on fire without injuring their wearer). The fascists, however, see no problem in attempting to use molotovs against defenceless anarchists who have no special uniform to protect themselves. There have never been fascist victims after clashes with anarchists, not because the anarchists cannot do real harm to them, but because the anarchists take care to only use well-targeted violence for propaganda and symbolical reasons, targeting the property of capitalists and not human lives. The fascists, however, feel no value for human life, and this is why we call them scum. They do want to kill. Some new information about the march itself: It worths mentioning that during the march and the attack by the fascists and the cops, immigrant neighbours living in the streets where the clashes took place opened their doors to welcome comrades who needed help. Three cops severely beat a girl without mercy on a car. The march had also attracted comrades new to street fighting who didn’t manage to keep calm when the cops started spraying them with tear gas and began to run away. This is wrong. No one should run during a march as it is very dangerous for everyone. Comrades should leave organized in formations, and this is what experienced comrades do. We hope the new comrades will learn quickly the correct tactics. At the head (front) of the march there were some younger comrades not fully experienced in street fighting, and the more experienced comrades who were behind didn’t manage to reach the front in time when the cops attacked the march. This march had assembled a lot of people, but it fell victim to a strategic mistake: the comrades approached the Saint Pandeleimonas district (where fascists attack immigrants) from a narrow road, too narrow to allow the anarchist formations to effectively protect themselves from the cops, so the cops (who had orders to never allow anarchists enter that district) fiercely attacked our comrades. Next time the anarchists are not going to do the same mistake. 7 July was the day of the anarchist march. On 9 July the leftists will organize their own marches, but the great majority of anarchists, and most antiauthoritarians, don’t like participating in leftist marches, because they see the leftists as reluctant to truly engage in street clashes with cops and fascists. It is interesting to note that the leftist parties have actually lost voters in elections, whereas the anarchist movement in Greece seems to be the one that most successfuly absorbes the disenfranchised youth, the repressed immigrants, and everyone who understands that a human society cannot be built on racism, xenophobia, capitalism, nationalism, and state terror. The anarchist movement in Athens, Greece has traditionaly as a base the downtown Exarchia district, which is mostly under the control of the anarchists and cops rarely risk to enter except in large numbers. The Greek media, in support of the policies of the government, did not publicise the march at all. Supposedly ‘progressive’ leftist websites did not say anything about the march either, highlighting the divide between anarchists and leftists in Greece. Greek comrades were informing immigrants who knew Greek, and they in turn informed the other immigrants who did not know Greek. Even though there was street fighting and struggle against the cops and the fascists, this march was not really a clash march according to the standards of the anarchist movement in Greece; rather, it was a counter-information march intended to inform the people of the repression against the immigrants and attract attention to the issue. Clash marches in Greece are much more violent, regularly employing lots of molotov cocktails. Because this was decided to not be a clash march, the comrades who participated were not equiped with the right tools for successful clashes. Yet, the resistance to the attacks by the fascists and the cops was remarkable. About the sister march in Thessaloniki (the above was about the Athens march): More than 1,500 comrades gathered at the Kalamaria district of Thessaloniki, the second-biggest city of Greece in the northern part of the country. The comrades marched towards the city’s sea beach. At the head (front) of the march there were the anarchists carrying flags and chains, and behind them there were leftist blocks who participated. Behind all of them there were the cops. A Citibank security camera was destroyed. Out of the 1,500 comrades, more than 1,000 were anarchists. Spray was used to draw graffiti and ATMs and cameras were destroyed. Lots of new comrades participated in the Thessaloniki march, people who previously were not taking part in marches, clearly showing that the anarchist movement in Greece is gaining popular support. A shouty right-wing hotel owner attempted to drive away some anarchists who were painting his hotel’s walls with graffiti, but more comrades came in support and forced him inside while they sprayed all of his hotel’s walls with graffiti. At some point a cop formation was forced to leave in panic after it confronted the determined blocks of anarchists. Another bank ATM was set on fire with two molotov cocktails. The banners read: “Solidarity to the immigrants, no national identity, war to the bosses” and were signed as “anarchikoi/es” meaning “anarchist men and women”. Another banner read “Attack the concentration camps” referring to the plans of the government to detain immigrants en masse. Lots of flyers were distributed. The march proceeded from Kamara district to Egnatia Street, Agias Sofias Street, Tsimiski, Venizelou Street, and then again towards Egnatia and Kamara. Before the December 2008 revolt, most marches in Greece that participated in fierce street fighting against cops and fascists had fewer people, many times only about 500. Now, after the December revolt, many more people go to the marches and fight against the oppresors, and marches now easily assemble from 3,000 to 5,000 people who are ready to fight for their freedom. The way the Greek state handles the class war, with more brutal repression, we shall expect many more people to join our comrades in the streets and learn how to fight fascism. This also means that marches will adopt new tactics and develop formations more suitable for large determined groups rather than the tactics that were used in the past by small bands of individual comrades. The coming years will be very interesting in Greece from a class war and march tactics perspective, and comrades from other places of the planet should keep an eye for new developments in Greece. NO GODS! NO MASTERS! Links to videos of former fascist-cop collaboration: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x_X-N_kMIcg rmer fascist-cop collaboration: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x_X-N_kMIcg

Migrant Cleaners on the March in Athens

Posted in Uncategorized with tags , , , , , , , on Tuesday, 7 July, 2009 by bristolnoborders

Article about solidarity with Constantina Kouneva, the 44-year-old Bulgarian general secretary of Athens’s association of cleaners and domestic staff who was attacked by assailants who threw acid in her face in December:

Cleaners of the autonomous PEKOP union march in Athens demanding that the case on the assassination attempt against their secretary, K. Kouneva, with sulfuric acid remains open.

Cleaners of the PEKOP union alongside more than 1500 solidarity protesters took to the sizzling streets of Athens on Thursday 2/7 to protest against the decision of the district attorney to close the case of the assassination attempt against Konstantina Kouneva, the cleaner union’s secretary last December by corporate thugs. Kouneva was attacked outside her home and forced to drink sulfuric acid which destroyed her digestive tract and large portions of her face; she is still struggling for her life in hospital. The protest march, which took place in a context of media efforts to recuparate the Kouneva issue, demanded an immediate end to “slave-trade in the public and private sectors”.

Meanwhile tensions in Athens remain high. On Thursday yet another police effort to impose an apartheid in the central square of Aegaleo, a proletarian suburb that has seen several fascist attacks against Pakistanis last year, with nazis attacking the workers in their very homes, was met with fierce resistance of bystanders who stopped the cops from brutalising and arresting immigrants. The tension rose further when the heckled policemen arrested an 80 year old woman who was trying to stop their racist attack. The angry crowd snatched the elderly woman from the cops, surrounded the police cars and forced the uniformed racists and a couple of their neo-nazi collaborators out of the square.

At the same time in down-town Athens the High Court Council came under attack by anarchists who smashed and burned the car of the incoming President of the Council, an infamous right-wing government crony. Earlier, antifascists had sabotaged the electric facilities of Stohos, the leading fascist weekly which has been promoting widespread anti-muslim, anti-jewish and anti-imigrant pogroms. As a result of the sabotage, the weekly issue of the bigot paper was not published causing big economic damages to the nazis.

http://libcom.org/news/cleaners-march-athens-demanding-kouneva-case-remain-open-03072009